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Sat Dec 18 13:34:03 IST 2004
>From memories to spectrum of virtual world
Study of cultural transition in urban slums of Jaipur city
Rajaram Bhadu
Introduction
Rapid economic growth and industrialization in
the country has caused the emergence of 'slums'
in the cities/town. A part from this, very high
rates for residential plots in the cities/towns
which are beyond the reach of the poor, lack of
developed residential land and the influx of
population to urban areas in search of employment
are the root causes for the growth of slums. The
houses are either in dilapidated condition or
kutcha in slum areas, which totally lack basic
civic amenities such as light, drinking water,
toilets, fresh air, roads etc. The paths in the
slums are narrow and filthy. There is likelihood
of occurrence of air and water bone diseases in
such areas. Though is vary difficult to define
slums, the Census Organization classified the
following areas as slums :
1. All such areas, which have been notified by
state/local government, or central administered
areas by any act as slums.
2. All such areas, which have recognised as slums
by state/local govt. and central administered
areas but not notified by any act.
3. All such congested areas which have a minimum
population of 300 or 60-70 households with
unplanned residential clusters which totally lack
basic civic amenities of light, drinking water,
sanitation, unpolluted air etc,
Slums in Rajasthan
For the first time in the history of Indian
Census, population statistics has been gathered
for 'slum areas' from all the cities/towns having
population of 50,000 or more as per 1991 Census
in the state of Rajasthan in Census 2001. There
are 34 such areas in the state.
To collect the population statistics for slum
areas a total number of 2,422 enumeration blocks
were carved out in the state.
Out of the total urban population of Rajasthan
i.e. 13,205,444 as per provisional figures of
2001 Census, 1,206,123 persons are living in slum
areas of the state. This constitutes 9.13 percent
of the total urban population. Only 25
cities/towns including UAs have identified slums
in their jurisdiction. Municipal authorities of
Jhunjhunun, Churu, Bhilwara, Bundi, Dhaulpur,
Ganganagar, Gangapur City, Hindaun and Tonk have
reported nil slum population.
In absolute terms the highest number of slum
dwellers i.e. 350,535 are living in the limits of
Jaipur Municipal Corporation, which alone
constitutes 29.50% of slum population of the
state and 15.07% of total population (2,324,913)
of city. It is followed by Jodhpur, Kota and
Ajmer with 18.31, 21.56 and 24.57 percentage of
slum population to their total population
respectively. The highest percentage of slum
dwellers to total population has been recorded at
35.12 for Kishangarh city of Ajmer district.
Kishangarh is notable for its fast growing marble
industry in the country.
The literacy rates for persons, males and females
of the slum population of the state have been
recorded as 66.19, 78.77 and 52.23% respectively,
which are lower than that of the total urban
population of the state. On the other hand, the
sex ratios of the total slum population and its
population in 0-6 age group have been recorded as
900 and 901 respectively, which are significantly
higher than that of corresponding sex ratios of
the urban population of the state.
Slums in Jaipur
Department of education Rajasthan, Unicef
(Rajasthan) and Bodh Shiksha Samiti conducted a
baseline survey of slums in Jaipur 1998 for govt.
of India and United Nation's education programme.
This study reveals the facts that the total
population of Jaipur i.e. 22,02,645 consists of
those 30% population i.e. 6,60943 who lived
invariably in slums. Where the urban population
growth rate is in between 4 to 6 %, the
population of slums is growing at the rate of 30
percent.
According to the survey there are 279 slums at
present in Jaipur city. The survey indicates lack
of essential civil amenities in these slums. The
existence of Govt. Schools only in 74 slums out
of 279 clearly shows their poor civil conditions.
An over all exodus of rural population towards
the city in search of livelihood seems to be the
only authentic cause behind this speedily
expansion of slums. Apparently they come from
different socio-cultural and religious
backgrounds. They have struggle hard here to work
and earn livelihood.
Cultural issues of slums
During past few years several studies and surveys
on Jaipur city's urban slums have been conducted.
Most of them focused on educational requirements
and to have up-to-date knowledge of health
programmes by Govt. and Non-govt. agencies. Thus
these have limited to the extent of preparing a
base line. Apart from these, there are some
notable studies also. One of them is of Shail
Mayaram which unveils the increasing tension of
communal bias and ghettoization between Hindu and
Muslim habitation. (Communal violence in Jaipur,
IDS 1993). Recently a study done by Jean Drais
gives authentic description of the challenges and
hardships faced by the poor who are rushing
towards cities from drought hit rural areas. One
of the heart-hurting facts that essentially needs
to be underlined is that the trend of family
suicide among them is on increase in these days.
But no such study of these slums is available up
to this endeavor, which gives a vivid picture of
continuing marginalisation and displacement of
these communities/families. A study, which
explains slum as a disjointed group, totally cut
off from social control and value structure, in
which their cultural memories of past life are
collected and the crisis of present identity as
well as the struggle for recognition has been
documented. No such study exists which analyses
the process of deculturization and
acculturazation of these people. Nor we in any
way know how and what type of role religion,
regionality, language and caste play in the
cultural interactions of these composite
communities. What sort of change takes place in
the sexual behavior of their women after the
erosion of social control and value structure?
How far this cultural vacuum is responsible for
their addiction to gambling and having drugs?
What type of power structures and gangsterings
are developing in them? How far education, media
and NGO's have been able to decrease their
mentality of parasite living? Are some new
cultural procedures or cultural forms emerging in
these slums? These and other such questions
necessitate to explore and to have a profound
study of this cultural phenomena.
Objectives of the Study
1. To identify the original cultural forms of the
communities residing in the slums.
2. To investigate the cultural interactions and
impacts among the different communities.
3. To analyze the elements responsible for and
the processes of deculturization, acculturization
and lapse of memory of the residents.
4. To identify new culture forms and cultural
innovations generated by the interactions within
the community and among the communities.
5. To search out alternative cultural strategies
and programmes for active intervention among
various communities.
Basis of Selection of the Slums for Study
Dividing them in four types according to the
stages of development can see these slums.
1. First type of such slums basically, consists
of depressed casts such as - Harijan bastis,
Kathputali or Kalakar basti marginalised from the
city and families, which have also settled in
them. These are comparatively older habitations.
2. Second type of slums has acquired stability
after a specific period of time. They have got
themselves regularized by forming a pressure
group and then putting a hard pressure on the
government. A particular type of social order has
begun to gain a ground here.
3. Third type of slums is those, which are
passing through a temporary phase and have no
clear communitarian image.
4. This type has come into existence after the
declaration of Jaipur as a Heritage City. Some of
the slums under this scheme have been displaced
from their original site and established at a new
place for the sake of beautifying the city.
Later three types of slums have taken up for
study. Second type of regular slums has mainly
one community in majority such as Nepalis,
Muslims, Paharis or Bengalis etc. But Manoharpura
is a composite typed basti, which is selected.
Like is, one each from third and fourth type of
slums has taken up which have mixed character of
community. One of the reasons of leaving aside
the first type of colony is that here generally
the process of saskritization taking place which
is familiar.
Methodology
For framing socio-economic perspective of the
three slums selected for study the secondary data
and material available have studied and analysed.
Structured and open ended (both) interviews have
conducted with group discussion among men - women
and adolescents in different groups. To capture
the detailed history of cultural practices case
studies have done some selected families. I have
tried to analysis and evaluate the narratives and
content of cultural forms. I used to
participatory observation of cultural activities,
actions and practices of communities.
The nature of the study is interdisciplinary and qualitative.
The study is supported by approach of
subaltern-studies, gender studies and methodology
of anthropological studies as well as other
knowledge bases.
Profile of the selected slums
1. Monoharpura
Monoharpura established in 1989, 280 families
were shifted over here from Jalebli Chock, which
is the heart of the old city. At that place
Janata market a posh market space exists at
present. When families shifted here, it was a
pastureland beside a drain (Ganda Nala), only
three- four huts of Kalbelia (snake charmers)
families were here before new comer families. Now
Kalbelia families have increased. Raisa (60), a
dai by profession told me that they did fight
long time to get settled here. Some dominating
people of nearby village try to throw him from
this place. Then they called City Corporation and
JAD for help and filed a case in Supreme Court.
Raisa told that in those days Gundas and Police
persons were harassed their bahu-batis. They
contacted a women organization and seek help in
this matter. After normalizing the situation,
some other families also came here to reside.
Monoharpura basti situated between the
Gandhinagar railway station and Sanganer airport.
It is surrounded by planned colonies. Circular
road alongside with this basti. In this basti,
the residents are Balmiki, Bairwa, Raiger,
Kalbelia, Banjara and Balai families. A few newly
immigrant families from Bengal and Madras also
reside here.
Govt. school located at some distance from basti,
there are also two private schools, one Janshala
and Anganwadi centre. In Bairwa community some
people are Govt. servants, most of them fourth
class and others are labourers. Raigers engaged
in their traditional work of leather processing.
But young generation of Raiger community engaged
in different manual jobs. Young group of
Kalbelias formed a band and playing it in
marriage ceremonies for at learning. Muslim
community engaged in iron works and kabada
karobar. Some people from Balmikis are working in
corporation as sweeper other engaged different
occupation. Many persons of the basti are
riksapullar. Most houses are actually
thatch-roofed exclude some brick-houses.
2. Nagtalai
Nagtalai is the second site of this study. This
is inhabited along the Jaipur-Delhi national
highway and now is a part of metropolitan city.
The Jhuggis are spread over in the U shaped
valley and on the stairs of aravali hills beside
the four lane road. People believe that there
was a talai (pond) in the valley and
snake-charmers used it to set their snakes free
on the auspicious day of the nagpanchmi. So basti
called as Nagtalai. Earlier there had been more
than 50 bhattas (lime kilns) and the labour
engaged in this work settled down here.
Simultaneously the mining work at nearby hills
also began and the labour involved in the mining
work also settled down here. At present
Government banned the mining work. Bhattas also
closed due to the lack of demand of Chuna (lime).
Only two bhattas are in working order. The
families working at bhattas emigrated from Bihar
who now live here.
More than 300 families are residing here, in
which number of muslims is larger than hindus.
The mulsim population was not in majority before
one decade. During these years, many muslim
families shifted here from UP. They purchased
jhuggis that belonged to hindus on high prices.
Among hindus, mostly are kumhars (potters) and
balais (SC), in other castes; meena, brahmin and
bania families are living here together. Earlier
kumhars worked transporting lime and stones using
their donkeys. After the declining in the bhatta
work, they began to send their younger generation
to learn automobile work with mechanics. Now,
most of the kumhar families have adopted this
trade. Many muslim families are also engaged in
this trade from long time. Some people from this
basti are working in Government services. A large
number of the people from Nagtalai work at
transport nagar and anajmandi. Anajmandi located
opposite side of the basti after crossing the
highway. Some people are engaged in different
types of works in the city.
3. Paldi meena
Paldi meena is an erstwhile state period village
situated at Jaipur-Agra national highway no. 11
at a distance of two km from the old rampart of
Jaipur. The village has now become a part of
Jaipur Municipal Corporation and the agricultural
land lying behind the village has been converted
into the residential scheme. The Jaipur
Development Authority (JDA) has erected housing
colonies for the families of low-income groups
and families of below poverty line (BPL).
Alongside these colonies, JDA resettled about
half a dozen urban slums, which are shifted from
the city under operation pink.
This is my third research site, where two slums -
OTS and university slums - are relocated here
under rehabilitation scheme of JDA. It is
interesting to note that people still called here
these habitations as OTS and university basti.
Both are located beside a common road. One side
of this new colony, low-income scheme stands and
one the other side a big colony established for
resettlement of some small-unplanned colonies,
which were existed before around the airport and
now shifted here due to the extension plan of
airport premises. JDA allotted big size of plots
for these families as the compensation. The plots
have allotted to the slum dwellers are small in
size i.e. 80 sqr yds, and as loan 50 thousand per
family also provided in advance to construct
house. Yet many families are living elsewhere and
some of them intend to sell out there allotted
plots. Scenario of old basti here lies in
memories along while a difference between
rehabilitated slums scheme and colony of shifted
families from airport is obvious. Hence in the
area various signboards of properties dealers
appear for the purpose. There is a high spacious
community hall for the slums rehabilitation
colony but till now it is not open for public
use. A board is also stands here of kachhi basit
punarvas vikas samiti whereon the names of its
office-bearers are mentioned.
70% families of OTS and university slums have
resettled here but out of these families people
who already were in confirmed services of doing
any regular business, even now are continuing
there as usual. The rest have become jobless. If
these people go to city while living here, will
have to bear three times fare in conveyance and
time too. Construction work in this area is the
only scope in which both man and women of basti
try to seek work.
Families who shifted from OTS basti are mostly
dalits (SC & STs) while in OTS basti included
dhobis (washer man) also some savarn (general)
castes are common in both bastis. Families coming
from OTS were already familiar with each other.
Now families of both bastis are intermingling.
Social structure
At present many slums situated within the city,
which seem like dirty spots on the beautiful
skirt of the Gulabi (pink) city according to
citizen's perception. Many slums situated on the
periphery of the city, which are concrete example
of the marginalization of these people.
One upon a time, many families of these slums
were the part of the mainstream population of the
city, which came here due to some critical
situations. Other type of people is migrated here
from other cities/states to get job opportunities
in this city. In both case people are derooted
from their native place. Rajasthan faces famine
frequently and this is fourth famine year. In
this year problem is more acute. Naturally the
number of immigrate people have increased. The
footpaths and rain baseras (night-shelters) are
overcrowded by the famine-ridden people, who used
to gather early in the morning on the chokhaties
(a type of labour-mandi) to get the job. The
population of slums has increased due to the new
comers and the problem of unemployment became
more complex in these days for slum-dwellers.
I have mentioned earlier my general observation
that the social structure of the slums is quite
different from urban and rural societies. For
example social hierchy and specific roles of the
people are defined in rural social structure. The
rural social structure has mechanism of social
control and provides remedial measures to
regulate deviations from social norms.
My observations of these slums confirmed above
conception. The people who reside in these slums
came from various areas and belong different
casts, dialects and religions. They have not any
common socio-cultural background. So they have
their different customs, beliefs and values. The
social interaction in these slums is motivated by
certain factors. It is not governed by
established social norms, which are accepted by
the majority of the people. So there is not any
social discrimination exists here on the basis of
the role of power and individual.
But a particular type of relationship emerged
here among the people because they are living at
same place in common situations. When they face
any unfavorable situation or risk position in
which they can loose their occupied land, they
fight collectively and in united manner.
Last year, after declaration of Jaipur as
'heritage city', local administration started to
remove some slums on the name of the
beautification under operation pink. At that time
effected slum-dweller raised their voice
collectively. Then they resettled outside city by
the administration under rehabilitation scheme.
Some slums are relocated at Paldi meena, people
who rehabilitated here, and are still struggling
for civic amenities. Otherwise, after a time
period, stability takes place in slums and any
type of social system starts to emerging. My
first research site Manoharpura is an example of
this type.
Process of Inclusion: two episodes
q Khemraj used to live in a village of Bikaner
(western Rajasthan). He was a worker in an NGO
where from the honorarium he was getting, was not
enough for support to his family including 5
children. Frequently prevailing drought and
famine conditions increased his troubles to face
hardship. He came to Jaipur where he began to
work in an NGO. Even after working round - the -
clock what he got as salary was far less than the
minimum wage of a labour. In spite of he had to
send his wife to work in the house of Secretary
almost free of any remuneration. At last he left
the service of NGO and shifted himself to live in
the slum-Manoharpura.
Khemraj belongs to Jat caste (savarn), now he is
living here in a house of bairwa (SC) as his
tenant. He has no discrimination with this bairwa
family. Now he has engaged a thhela (trolley) of
vegetables in subjimandi of this basti. His wife
also sells vegetable at the same place in front
of the thhela of her husband. Children also seem
playing and supporting around their parents. The
eldest daughter is attending a cheep private
school. After school time, she give help her
mother at the shop and in the kitchen. Khemraj
was a member of the bhajan mandali in his
village. Here he attends Jagrans celebrated
usually is shiv mandir of the basti. Here bairwas
used to sing nirgun while Khemraj recites sagun
bhajans. Khemraj also hammered a nal (horse-shoe)
in his thhela on the advice of a shanichar
follower. Both husband and wife here stand in an
queue and are living to win over the mountain of
miseries and misfortunes.
q Kanchan valmiki (25) studies up to VII standard
and belonged to a village in Dausa district. She
came in old OTS basti at her sister, family
(sasural) before her marriage took place. After
shifting in Paldi Meena, Kanchan seems overjoyed
while living and enjoying the facilities
available here. She told us, things here are all
right and good. Everything is pleasing, basic
amenities like electricity and water are
available, houses are open and spacious.
Environment of the new colony is quite different
from the slum. But only problem that every one
facing is lack of work or job. Besides this
medical facility and transportation also are big
problems. To pick up a bus, one has to walk on
foot far about more than one km. up to Paldi
meena village. Here children attended a private
school here. None of other any caste considers
her as untouchable. She attends marriage and
other ceremonies of other castes.
Social mobilization and citizen's perception
Several families of Nagtalai have shifted in the
city after selling their houses. They felt
well-being status economically. Some people
rented their houses or shops to another residents
at the basti and shifted himself in the planned
colonies of the city. Economically improved
condition supported their social mobalizaton.
Citizen keeps distance with basti communities and
consider then inferior. One Graduate girl of
balai family was engaged with a teacher of
Jodhpur city. But after some time boy's family
have broken the engagement at the ground that it
was not possible that bridegroom can reach at the
door of the bride on horse-back. Actually the
house of the girl is situated at the up hill and
path is very narrow and zigzag.
But another side, people who came here after
migration from village and other town/cities are
replacing previous families. Radheshyam who came
here from a village of chakshu block rented a
jhuggi in the basti. His family is living in a
part of jhuggi and in outer part he is running a
shop. This shop is running continuously as before
but now ownership has changed.
Poverty, liquor and anger
The children and adolescents of Manoharpura basit
used to scrap-picking. The woman Maina told
Jindgi bhar pinni bini, shadi ho gayi, bachehe ho
gaye. A large number of basti women are working
in nearby colonies as Kamwalis (house worker).
The use of liquor is very common in this basti.
One english and one deshi wine shop situated at
the basti bus stand. Some groups of the people
may be seen involved in gambling. The husband of
Sharifan (48, muslim women) divorced her and did
second marriage. Now Sharifan lived with her five
children - three girls and two boys. Whole family
is depend on scrap Pickering. On the schooling
her children, Sharifan argues, paisa nahin hai,
school jayenge to khayenge kya ?
The use of liquor is very common among the people
of Nagtali. The liquor also did not lag behind
and has made its appearance as before in Paldi
meena.
Earlier when the bhattas (furnace of limestone)
were running in Nagtalai, at that time on total
family was engaged in a particular work place.
After closing of these bhattas, people were
pressurized to search the jobs from other place
for their livelihood. In changed situation, it
was not possible that whole family could found
the work at the same place. Then wherever on
found work, he/she joined it. This new condition
weakened the family institution. This affected
the intense family relationship and broken the
joint family system. Now nuclear family trend
hare increased.
In recent years, we find the crime rate have
risen in the slums, simultaneously indulgence of
police thana also increased. In crimes, the
illegal distribution of liquor, gambling, theft
and inter conflicts are included mostly.
The status of women is not better in the slums.
The majority of women earn livelihood like their
male partners. They have to work for earning as
well as at the home. Due to the common use of
liquor in the community; women are the sufferer
of the consequences of liquor. Some women also
victimized by domestic violence. In spite of it,
women fully participated in the activities of the
slums. They are also articulated. As the recent
development, a feeling of independence is also
growing the slum's women toward sexual
relationships.
The people of the slums assumed that the moral
values are decayed in these days. The collective
spirit has reduced and individualism is
increasing rapidly. The family and marriage
institution have weakened. The feeling of respect
for elders has also reduced in younger
generation. People are not caring toward social
accountability. The slum people, especially
younger considered inferior their life conditions
in the comparison with urban life style.
Unemployment is an acute problem for the people
of Paldi meena sight. In old university slum,
they are engaged in their particular occupations.
Most of them were involved in handicraft,
gardening and labour work. Women were engaged in
agarbatti work, tailoring, weaving and working as
housemaids. But now all routine have disturbed.
One person have to spent 25 rupees daily for
conveyance if he want to find a job in city and
there is not certainty to get the job. Sitaram
Sisodia (30) who was a screen painter, is now
unemployed. The unemployed youth and group of
women either play cards or pass their time in
gossiping and watching TV at home. The use of
liquor is also catching the younger generation
because it is so cheap in this area that a bottle
is available here in only 30 rupees. After
drinking, people used to criticize the incidence
of shifting the basti at this place.
Moolchand Bunkar was the leader of the slum. When
the matter of shifting was raised in university
slum, he leaded the people and fought a long
struggle to rehabilitate properly. People won in
the struggle but Moolchand lost his daily service
in this fight. Now he also faced the bitter anger
of unemployed youth everyday who charged him for
shifting and present misfortune.
Communal situation
Babulal Sharma, who resided Nagtalai since 1969,
told us that communal riots of 90s affected the
basti but any incident of violence was not
occurred at that time. Whenever nearby Rishigalab
nagar affected seriously with the violence of the
riots and several families suffered with the
consequences of it. In Nagtalai, on the
initiative of the both communities, they
controlled the communal tension in the basti.
Since than there has been no communal incident
took place in the basti. If any conflict seemed
to arise people of both communities came forward
and solved the matter with common understanding.
Babulal quoted one case, which happened before
some years, one cyclist came here to demonstrate
his performance in the basti. He got police
permission for it with the help of local people.
A large number of audiences gathered at the place
of the show. During the show, a muslim boy dared
to tease a hindu girl. This action provoked the
hindus and they began to beat the mulsim boy.
Some person tried to stop this practice and
suggested to hand over the case to thana police.
Before the situation worsened, the family member
of the mulsim boy came there. They understood the
matter reasonably and not favorued the boy.
Ultamately the matter resolved peacefully.
Most of muslim families of Nagatalai are engaged
in the gem-polishing work at their own residence,
Hindu people also share this work. Habitation of
this basti is ideal one in which the jhuggis of
hindus and muslims stand adjoining to each other.
They exchange the things. There are two hindu
temples in the basti. Muslims also contribute
donation in jagaran and jammastami puja
celebrations organised at mandirs. Likewise
mulsims distributed purchased sweets from market
on the auspicious day of Id, domestic sweets does
not acceptable by hindus. Families of both
communities, which have more intimate
relationship, share food and participate specific
occasions collectively.
On end of Nagtalai, an old temple of lord shiva
is situated. Some hindu residents participated in
this temple at the time of puja-archana. The
hindu community of basti established one another
temple of lord shiva and hanuman collectively.
The preparation and distribution of posh bada (a
type of prasad prepared in the holy month of
posh-January) is an annual collective activity of
local people. Every body participated in this
procession without any discrimination of cast and
religion. In the muslim community, wedding
ceremony generally arranged outside of the slum.
Women played major role in the rituals and
cultural processions of marriage. In the Id
(festival) of mulsim community, hindu families
also shared their greetings. Recently muslim
community of this slum prepared Tazia in a
collective manner.
But it is ironical that intra discrimination
exists in muslim community of Nagtalai. Local
muslim community promulgated the aggressive image
of immigrants up muslims. But their behavior not
approved this conception. They are considered
inferior by local Muslims and called as
muchliwale (fishermen). But all muslim attend
namaj together in the same masque situated in
adjoin colony.
According to a recent survey, there are 2657
families in Manoharpura slum in which 250
families are muslim. But most of these are from
backward mulsim communities i.e. Fakir, Darvesh
and Shakkas etc. In this slum more than 20 such
persons are living who use tantras to cure their
patients. They claimed that they have some
supernatural power that helps him in the
treatment. In these persons there are three
mulsim pirs. Every pir, Ojha and Tantrik used his
particular way and style for treatment of their
patient. One of such tantrik, tried to attempt
rape a women patient during so-called treatment.
R. Rehman is a pir. His main occupation is make
utensile of alloy in old city. Since the morning,
lots of sufferers gathered in front of his door.
Most of them are children and women. Every
sufferer came there with a stem of neem tree in
his hand and sit in the queue. Rehman sit on
their knees and starts to attend them one by one,
take the stem from the sufferer and whisper some
mysterious word while during the Jhada with neem
branch. One can see a pile of neem stems in front
of Rehman's house.
Earlier Rehman was the resident of old city at
Ajmeri Gate. He studied till secondary. In 1986
his family shifted in this slum. Rehman's parents
were died in his childhood. After leaving the
school, Rehman started to sale the ice crème
candy. Then he worked as driver. In job of
driving he used to drink alcohol and gambling. In
1997 he met an ustad who taught the Koran to him.
In the influence of the ustad and teaching of the
Koran he gave up alcohol. Subsequently he met a
hajji and visited Muradabad. He did not found
himself satisfied there and came back at Jaipur.
Then he started to work at a shop of alloy
utensils and still working the same job.
In 1976 Rehman got marred and in 1979 he opt the
silsila community (a commune of sufi followers).
With the effect of new following, he left the
gambling practice. During this time, Bengali
women told his wife about Manoharpura kachchi
basti, where both husband and wife make their
hut. After shifting here, his wife started the
embroidery work. Now they have a pakka house.
In 1989 Rehman got knilaphat from his pir. Then
he started to treat the sufferers. He is having
fame in and outside of the slum. According to
Rehman, two types of powers exist in the universe
- one is physical and second spiritual. He helps
to the people in spiritual matters. In patients,
mostly ill children harassed and tensed person
and the people having sexual problems, especially
young girls came to consult with him. People pay
him for his dua (treatment) willingly. He
utilizes the money in the maintenance of pir
baba's majar (tomb) and on organization the urse
(a religious programme). Silsia organized three
urses in a year in which kabbalis and mahfils are
the major activities. What is the mystery behind
his miracle? Rehman replies that he attended five
times namaj regularly and used to jikra
(discussion) of malik (Allah) and regards the
raza and sufi-sijra as holy rituals.
Cast status
Bairwas, Raigars and Balais are equal (in assumed
category) according to the cast-hierarchy, like
this Banjaras and kalbelias are have same status
whenever valmikis (sweeper, traditionally called
'bhangis') are at the lowest level in the cast
system. These all casts are avarn according to
the hindu cast system. In contemporary discourse,
we used the category 'dalits' for all these
casts. Cast is still the primary social unit at
some extend in these slums.
A valmiki women of Manoharpura basti dropped out
their three children form Govt. school, bachon se
chhuachut karte the, pani nahin peene dete the,
bachche pyase rahte they, (the teacher and
children of the Govt. school discriminated her
children as untouchable, forbidden drinking
water, children suffered thirst in the school so
she dropped out their children from the school.)
In Nagtalai, though cast factor do not in
dominating position but it effects the
relationship. Untouchability is not visible or
outwardly. Families of different castes assemble
together at the various occasions i.e. marriage
feasts etc. on the basis of close relationships.
Nobody objects on this type of case. If any
person from dalit community wants to organize a
feast for higher caste people, there is a
condition that any higher caste family should
arrange preparation of food and then all savarn
castes people may attend this feast.
In Paldi meena slums rehabilitation scheme 148
families of university kachchi basti are shifted
and settled in D-block of the scheme called Ashok
vihar. These families belong to Koli, Dhobi,
Rana, Kharawat, Thakur, Balai and Harizan castes.
The most interesting case is that two harizen
(sweepers) families told to the people, that they
can allot him two houses at the corner of the
colony but the people prefer him and allotted the
houses of center place of the colony. The
practice of untouchability of cast discrimination
is not accepted by anybody in this habitation.
These families have passed two years after
resettlement. In this period more than 10
marriages have took place in this habitation.
Every family participated in the rituals and bhoj
etc. mean while at one marriage time, the father
of groom have died, people manage the death
ceremony as well as wedding process
simultaneously in cooperative manner.
Three is a triangle sized park in the block in
which a temple of lord shiva have constructed by
a sikh factory owner. Actually factory owner
contributed for his affection toward the
residents in which some people are labour in his
factory. Now people of all castes use to pray and
pooja in this temple without any discrimation.
Children used to park as ground for playing. One
voluntary agency is operating a Janshala for
children.
One NGO's intervention
Bodh Shikha Samiti (an NGO) has been running a
Bodhshala for more than a decade in Nagtalai
basti. Bodhshala (school) is providing
alternative primary education for children. But
admission for a certain number of children is a
limitation of Bodhshala. So rest of the children
use to go another school running on the opposite
side of the road, for upper primary and higher
education children attend other school outside
from the basti.
Two girls have studied up to graduation, some
bahus (housewives) are educated secondary and
above level. New educated generation does not
believes in discrimination on the basis of
religion and caste.
Prahlad, a resident of Nagtalai is a clerk in
Govt. school. Before this service he was a
teacher in bodhshala of the basti. Bodhshala is
an innovative school in which teachers used to
provide lots of books other than prescribed
textbooks to the children as reading material. In
bodhshala, teachers motivated children for
creative writing, painting, singing, dance and
handicrafts. But after the schooling, children
would not be able to continue these things. The
factor behind this is lack of continuity in their
further education after the completion of primary
education given by bodhshala. Another factor is
that, there are not any opportunity and space
available to enhance their aptitudes and such
type of creative interests. In this condition
they also become a part of slum's ordinary youth
or develop as a peculiar type of character who
would not adjust themselves with others. If this
young generation got the proper guidance and
encouragement for creative direction, they could
be change agents in the cultural scenario of the
slum. Cultural support for children and youth
should be a continuous process.
Here early marriages a prevailing practices in
the slum, although in these days it is declining.
Prahlad told about a case. One student of
bodhshala has engaged for marriage. He opposed it
in family and community with the support of his
colleagues and teachers. Now the boy is a
lecturer and got married after getting the job.
In reduction of the cast discrimination, children
taught from bodhshala have played a major role in
the slum.
The cultural forms in practice
The cultural forms, patterns and processes are
not visible on the surface of social life in the
slums. Many of these manifests in some special
occasions and in the particular situations.
Manoharpura basti constituted a development
committee in which local councilor is very
interested as wall writings informed. It also
informed that last days Chief Minister allocated
land patta's to the basti residents. Two temples
are shining in the basti between the dirty
jhuggis. There are so many cassette shops in the
basti, cassette recording facilities are also
available at these shops. Everybody can hire a
VCR from these shops. Film posters are displayed
on a particular hording at bus stand.
As the same, there are many shops in the right
side at the main road of Nagtalai. Among these
shops women are also working in bakery works. A
group of people can be seen playing with cards in
the verandas of some shops, which remain closed.
TV sets are common asset in the basti. According
to one shopkeeper Agarwal the readership of
newspaper is 30 percent in this basti. There is
also a video parlor where a group of children may
be seen involved in the video games.
Cultural forms and practices are not commonly
visible in urban slums as we started earlier. We
can see these processes on some special occasions
only. Whereas the assumptions, beliefs and values
of slums dwellers are manifest in their routine
behavior. In Nagtalai basti wedding ceremony of
kumhar and balai community still having a
traditional pattern. Most of these families
followed the traditional customs, women used to
sing songs, make rituals and perform dance in
groups. The residents of the slums belong to the
various villages but common cast-based linked
them primarily as community. Secondly, in which
villages these people have came here, that area
has same lingual and cultural background so it
was quite natural to acquire as a cultural
community in a place like slum. Kumhar, Balai and
other hindu residents of the basti celebrate
Holy, Deewali, Gangour and other festivals in a
same manner and modes.
Balai and Kumhar community have some particular
festivals. Balai celebrate navaratra as a special
festival. In navaratra they pray the god
bharoonji, they give bali of he-goat and
distribute pieces of the meat as prasad bhog and
eat it collectively. During the nine days of
navratra, they did jagran. In jagran, they did
whole night pray with a team with singing bhajans
in the praise of bharoonji. They called it
bhagtai. The bhagan madli (a particular group of
singers) used different musical folk instruments
such as duffs, chung, manjire, ghanti and thal
etc. At the climax point of the jagaran some
bhagats (preachers) feel bhar (incarnation) of
bharoonji, then other people request him to solve
their problems. Kumhar celebrate sheetalastami in
a different way. Kumhars are worshiper of
sheetlamata (a goddess). A fair is organized
yearly in Chaksu on the occasion of sheetalastami
in the temple of sheetlamata. Kumhar families of
the slum attended this fair respectively.
There are not such cultural forms, which
generally in practice in the slums in which there
are any scope or space will be available for
self-expression and collective interactions.
Exclude the singing and dancing programme
performed in marriage ceremonies and festivals.
TV programmes and films are the only medium of
entertainment. The visual media is not
interactive in it's nature, so audience have only
passive role as viewer. Last year a group of
youth have played some street dramas in Nagtalai.
The residents of the slum enjoyed the
performance, but they were not able to understand
the inherent message of the plays because they
were not familiar with this cultural form.
Impact of media
When TV serial i.e. ramayan and mahabharat
telecasted first time, number of TV sets in
Nagtalai was very few at that time. People used
to see these serial at some certain places
collectively and during this period they
discussed the episodes. At present 90 percent
families have their own TV sets. Now the world of
entertainment has personalized, but number of
colored TV sets and VCRs is not more, so people
almost see the new feature films on VCR
collectively. In film viewers, youth have in a
majority. From this slums 20 percent young people
attended film shows at cinema halls in the city.
More than 100 newspapers have circulated in the
slum. It is obvious that the number of newspaper
readers will be multiplied.
As media is a powerful medium to provide
informations and depiction of popular (modern?)
cultural forms in urban slums, therefore, it
become imperative to explore how far media are
affecting these sections. The exposure and impact
of media was measured by modifying the schedule.
The media included in this exercise were films,
radio, television and print media (including
newspapers and magazines). The numbers of
respondent were 50, (23 females and 27 males).
Selected three urban slums i.e. Manoharpura,
Nagtalai and Paldimeena. The range of the age of
respondents was between 18 to 35 years. The age
group is quite curious to know the things and
also in confronting position against prevalent
value structure.
If we go through the educational levels of these
respondents, we find that out of 50 respondents
62% are literate, 14% just literate, simply able
to read and write and use the arithmetic in their
daily routine life and 24% are illiterate.
Illiterate respondents felt hurdle in the
interaction with media, they are on the
wavelength with the communication on the basis of
the language of sings and symbols. The larger
group of respondents belongs with scheduled
castes as lower strata of the society. Majority
of the respondents come from nuclear family. This
phenomenon is similar with the urban social
structure.
Once upon a time radio was in fashion in these
communities. Till first round of the TV
extension, radio and tape recorder were the only
entertainment channels in slums, but at this time
radios are merely remnants of the old fashion,
i.e. only 10 %. TV took a major place in the
every house of the respondents. There are few
persons (16%) who are interested in the
newspapers/magazines. There are exceptional cases
in these sites that does not watch small screen
regularly. So the whole sensitive part of these
slums is within the range of this visual
equipment. Only 10% of our respondents are the
listeners of radio. The readership of newspaper
and magazines is growing slowly, although these
magazines may be focused on films or popular kind
of subject.
On TV screen, the majority of our respondents are
almost regular audience of the social melodramas
(56%) and comic episode (74%). Although
entertainment is the prior concern of the viewers
but they watch keenly the reflection and
behaviors presented by these episode. Films and
religions episodes have a tight grip on the
mental world in these communities. In spite of,
to use the modern manner in the life, religious
faith and attitudes have not loosened its roots.
Secondly, the religious stories and sagas are
familiar and well known among the people. The
picturization of the miracles and strange
incidents are also factors behind the popularity
of these episodes. Action and suspense in movies
and serials are also popular form on the screen.
In reference of sources of information, it was
found that nearly 62% of the respondents
considered television as an important source of
information which 12% consider that it occur
through conversation with peer groups, 14% agreed
that radio also provide information and only 12%
favored newspapers and magazines. In these
communities verbal interaction is predominate. So
the impact of print media is not limited to
particular reader, through verbal interaction it
diffused. One person read newspaper loudly and
other two or three person listen it carefully or
person who read anything else, summarized this to
other in oral form. Information from print media
disseminated in a large rank. This practice of
oral tradition is effective still in slums.
As the response shows media initiate its role of
political consciousness in respective
communities, but not so effectively. The
illiteracy and social barriers may be the major
hurdles in the direction. The impact of media
regarding acceptability of the elementary
education in respective communities is decisive.
As well as, the pressure of urban life and living
style are also major factors in this concern. In
the context of girl's education, media is playing
also an important role. In health issues, media
played a quite significant role in respective
slums. The numbers of respondents is less in
favor of early marriage (only 18%) whereas; large
number of the respondents (82%) is against the
early marriage.
The majority of the respondents (78%) realize a
tremendous change in their role within and beyond
the family's sphere. The number of negative
respondents is very less (12%). It may be
possible that they could not conceive the
question or they felt hesitation to answer on it.
The realization of a positive difference in their
role by respondents is an important factor. The
virtual world of visual media is transferring the
hard reality of viewer's life. Even in the slums,
respondents sometime find her selves like the
visual characters on screen or the paper.
The knowledge and information inputs reduce the
power of the physical assets and money. Women
(respondents) feel liberated from traditional
limitations and find more meaningful role in the
society. Like other positive attributes this
changed role is a major indicator in the status
of women especially in her self-image. At an
extreme point, some respondents find their role
models in media especially visual and follow
their manners and style. Actually this is the
matter of identification. Depending on their
motives and values, viewers imagine as if they
were on the screen. They develop empathy with
some characters who happened to be somehow like
them and identify themselves with the same or
adopt them as models, sharing their feelings and
values and copying them.
What is to be done?
It was a short-term study, so actually these are
some impression, which indicates the scope of
further explorations. To concretize the
conceptual framework of empirical understand
in-depth study is needed. It did not possible to
analyze the process of deculturization and
acculturization in slum communities with detail.
The interface with their cultural memories of
past life and the crisis of present identity as
well as the struggle for recognition is not
properly documented. Without enough interaction
with the concerning communities we cannot explain
the practice of social control and
value-structure prevailing in slum life. So this
question still unanswered that what sort of
change takes place in the sexual behavior of
women after the erosion of social control and
traditional value structure? This and other such
questions necessitate to be addressed.
The social composition of urban slums is complex
and dynamic. The residing communities are
multi-lingual, multi-religious and multi-casts
based but it cannot be called as multi culturism
in modern sense. Cultural pluralism is a
conscious state of the society wherever
co-existence among various groups in the slum is
spontaneous and situational in nature. The
immigrant communities have almost relapsed their
cultural memories; there are only some remnants.
The traditional and folk cultural practices are
only ritually adopted without live enthusiasm.
The basis of these cultural forms mostly religion
though it is a type of premodern and still remain
untouched with the waves of recent communalism.
But it may provide a fertile ground for this
trend. Other aspect of the cultural scenario is
domination of popular cultural forms projected by
media. Due to the impact of it, process of
acculturization has increased. Actually it
distorted the 'forms' itself and deculturized the
traditional practices. After all, urban slum are
still far from the modern culture.
No doubt, without socio-economic change, one
cannot think about the progress of any segment of
the society, but initiation in the universe of
culture may be granted. Modern culture is
value-added in its nature and content. These
values are democratic and essential for an open
society. Although it is quiet challenging to
intervene in slums regarding such type culture,
but there is also a wide scope because these
communities are the most vital and dynamic
component of the modern society. Cultural
transition is the silent feature of this region,
so active cultural intervention is most relevant
here as well as also an urgent need.
Residents of slums are marginalized and poverty
ridden sections of the society. So the rights
based approach may be only strategy here to be
adopted for action. An alternative will be needed
here for dominating cultural forms. The modern
creative cultural forms i.e. theatre, dance,
painting, cinema (of course in different kind)
and literature may be the appropriate alternative.
Cultural rights, i.e. acess to culture are the
prime agenda of slum's context. The
universalization of modern culture (like
education) should be a project for urban slum and
also remote rural areas. If this project will be
delayed, the identity-based movement will emerge
in its way. It may be so called cultural identity
(based on religions fundamentalism), dalit
identity (based on casts) or identities of
language and regionalism. The vision of
multi-culturism than will be reduced merely a
dream. Since slums provides us a ground of its
type of composite and mixed culture where various
innovations can be used.
Certainly, the imposition of a particular type of
culture on any community is a fascist practice.
It is also true that nobody can create culture
for others. It is an intrinsic practice. So
intervention of cultural field demands a
democratic point of view and radical activism.
Interaction with slum dwellers should be in the
direction of capturing memories and emotions as
well as other intangible things. An insight
toward existing cultural forms and alternative
modes may visualize the further course. The
biases and myths of citizens about slum dwellers
should be deconstructed. Culture should be
included in the actions of present institutions
and organizations that are working in slums
areas. The exposure of slums people is must, such
efforts should be made that they will be part of
the audience of theatre, musical and literary
programmes of the city like cinema. The modern
cultural groups should be performing their arts
also in slum area. But some pedagogical tasks are
needed in these communities before it to familiar
people with other forms of arts. If we have
believed that everybody have individual dignity
than he/she will not be in isolation. It is our
duty to realize his/her rights as human being and
link with the mainstream. The horizon of civil
society could be broadened, if we are inclusive
towards marginalized and deprived section of the
society. If world is global, everybody have
his/her place inside the sphere of this cultural
universe.
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