[Reader-list] Shivaji a la Statue of Liberty

[M Javed]

Shivaji’s Statue in Arabian Sea

Ram Puniyani

Maharashtra Government has taken a decision sometime back that it will
erect the statue of Shivaji, in the Arabian Sea, a la Statue of
Liberty in US. Shivaji is one of the greatest icons from medieval
times in Maharashtra. This statue is estimated to cost around 300
crores (ten thousand, thousands) as per present projections. This
decision of the Maharashtra Government was hardly debated. Even those
who feel that there is a bigger need for funds for other development
issues, kept quite, as by now Shivaji has become a matter of big
identity politics in Maharashtra. Every party with Maharashtra
connection swears in his name. While one is scathingly critical, an
rightly so, of the statue raising spree by Mayawati, statues of dalit
icons and of her own, about Shivaji there is hardly a ripple of
protest, the debate about whether public money of such a big magnitude
should be spent on the statue, has remained on the margins.

However what surfaced as the debate took the form of caste issue.
There was a talk that Babasaheb Purandare, a Brahmin, who has written
some popular material on Shivaji will be made as the Chairman of the
committee overseeing the work of statue. In response Maratha Mahasangh
chief, Purushottam Khedekar and others objected to a Brahmin heading
the committee for a statue for Maratha warrior. They also threatened
to use violence in case their fatwa is not followed. Not to be left
behind, Raj Thackeray, belonging to another political tendency
resorting to violent methods, gave a counter threat that Purandare
must be retained on the committee.

It goes without saying that people like Khedekar and Raj Thackeray,
sail in the same boat of intolerant politics, which needs to be
condemned. Also the caste angle of controversy should be opposed
thoroughly. Still one will urge that Babasaheb Purandare should not be
on the committee. The reasons for that lie not in the fact that
Purandare is a Brahmin, but because Purandare’s presentation of
Shivaji is through and through communal. It picks up from the
tradition of British Historiography, communal historiography, which in
order to implement the policy of divide and rule, presented the
history through the prism of religion. In Maharashtra there are as
many images of Shivaji's as are the number of political streams.
Purandare’s Shivaji, as manifested through his play Jaanta Raja (All
knowing King) is primarily an anti Muslim King. Shivaji is also
presented as the great worshipper of Brahmins and cows. Purandare’s
total slant is that Shivaji wanted to build Hindu nation etc. which is
not only far from truth but also has a very divisive way of presenting
our past.

As a matter of fact, Shivaji is popular amongst people, not because he
was anti Muslim or worshipper of Cows and Brahmins, but because he
went on to reduce the taxation on the poor peasants. Shivaji adopted
humane policy in aspects of his administration, which did not base
itself on the religion. In the recruitment of his soldiers and
officers for his army and navy, religion was no criterion and more
than one third of his army consisted of Muslims. The supreme command
of his navy was with Siddi Sambal, and Muslim Siddis were in navy in
large numbers. Interestingly his major battles were fought with the
Rajput army lead by Mirza Raja Jaisingh on behalf of King Aurangzeb.
When he was detained at Agra forte, of the two men on whom he relied
for his eventual escape, one was a Muslim called Madari Mehtar. His
confidential secretary was Maulana Haider Ali and the chief of his
cannon division was Ibrahim Gardi.

His respect for other religions was very clear and he respected the
holy seers like 'Hazarat Baba Yaqut bahut Thorwale', whom he gave the
life pension and also Father Ambrose, whose church was under attack in
Gujarat. At his capital Raigad he erected a special mosque for Muslim
devotees in front of his palace in the same way that he built the
Jagadishwar temple for his own daily worship.

During his military campaigns Shivaji had issued strict instructions
to his men and officers that Muslim women and children should not be
subjected to maltreatment. Mosques and Dargah's were given due
protection. He also ordered that whenever a copy of Koran came into
the hands of his men, they should show proper respect to the book and
hand it over to a Muslim. The story of his bowing to the
daughter-in-law of Bassein's Nawab is well known to all. When she was
brought as a part of the loot and offered to him, he respectfully
begged her pardon and asked his soldiers to reach her back from the
place from where she was forcibly brought in. Shivaji was in no way
actuated by any hatred towards Muslims as a sect or towards their
religion. All this goes on to show the values of communal harmony
which Shivaji pursued, and that his primary goal was to establish his
own kingdom with maximum possible geographical area. To project him as
anti-Muslim and anti-Islam is travesty of truth.

Today rank casteist-communal forces are also in the bandwagon to ‘use’
Shivaji issue for their political goals. One recalls that Human rights
activist Teesta Setalvad had prepared a hand book of History for the
school teachers some time back. In this she pointed out that since
Shivaji was a Shudra, the Brahmins refused to coronate him, so a
Brahmin Gaga Bhat had to be brought from Kashi, who did the coronation
ritual. Since Shivaji was a Shudra this coronation was done with the
toe of his left foot by Gaga Bhat. The local Shiv Sena went on to
oppose this handbook on the ground that the writer is calling him a
Shudra. It is true that Shivaji was a Shudra and this incident is
true. Similarly Bhandarkar Institute was attacked by the same people,
Khedekar and company, on the pretext that this institute had helped
James Lane write a book on Shivaji. It is well known that this book
mentioned a rumor about the real parentage of Shivaji.

While communal historiography has been the major tool in the arsenal
of communal forces, now we are witnessing, ‘caste historiography’ to
settle the scores of contemporary caste politics. It is sad. What is
needed is to overcome these caste and communal angles to build the
nation, while giving justice to the deprived sections, while planning
affirmative actions for the marginalized sections.

One also hopes the Government thinks of using the public money in a
better way than raising statue. The making of statue should also take
into consideration the ecological factors, and if these factors permit
the statue, it should come up, with a proviso that the money for the
statue will be raised from people. The government money should not be
spent on this.

--
Issues in Secular Politics

June 2009 II
For circulation/publication

ram.puniyani at gmail.com
www.pluralindia.com