[Urbanstudy] Planning, city histories, 'civil' and 'political' society

[Awadhendra Sharan]

Hi,
Regarding ownership of land - in the discussions leading up to the Delhi 
Master Plan there is a reference to the practice in Sweden where the 
state takes ownership of all land for development purposes, completly 
by-passing the debate within India of the terms on which the government 
ought to acquire land, regarding which Sanjay rightly points out that 
the 1951 report was quite scathing with respect to the DIT. My 
understanding is that it is this international reference point that 
seems to be the logic driving the land related suggestions in the Delhi 
Plan. And this might not be an isolated instance.  From some of the 
research that I have been doing on the making of the Delhi plan, it is 
quite clear that 'best practices' from across the globe are being 
studied/modified to suit Indian conditions and the master plan may 
perhaps be better read as an international prototype, engaging with the 
specific conditions of Delhi.  This seems to be the refrain in a number 
of documents that Albert Mayer writes to members of the planning team 
where the idea is to produce a model of regional urban planning in the 
south that would be imitable in many other cities/ countries that lacked 
the economic resources of the developed world. 

Dipu

P.S. Would appreciate if others can provide more references regarding 
the international dimesnion of the Delhi Master Plan or for that matter 
planning in other cities.

Sanjay Srivastava wrote:

>Regarding the discussion on 'master plannning' and urban history: an interesting
>aspect concerns the run-up to the establishment of the Delhi Development
>Authority (DDA). There was a commission of inquiry into the functioning of the
>Delhi Improvement Trust (DIT), DDA's predecessor, which published its report in
>1951. And, though, the committee endorsed the production of a master plan, it
>was also far more flexible in its recommendations regarding city-planning and
>and rights to land/housing what actually came to transpire under DDA (est.
>1957). It was, for example, scathing in the manner in which the city was sought
>to be 'beautified' by the DIT through its (largely unsuccessful)
>'slum-clearance' schemes, as well as the almost complete monopoloy over land
>(particularly the vast nazul tracts) that the DIT had come to possess.
>Ironically, while the committee envisioned a successor body to DIT that would
>operate differently to it, what Delhi eventually got was an organisation that,
>by far, outdid its predecessor in terms of incorporating 'profitability' as a
>key goal of urban planning. It should be noted that while all the members of
>the committee were staunchly (and comfortably) located within 'civil society',
>several of their demands/recommendations were not very different from those
>that are said to belong to the realm of the 'political' Regards,
>Sanjay Srivastava
>
>Quoting urbanstudygroup-request at sarai.net:
>
>  
>
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>>Today's Topics:
>>
>>   1. Re: conceptualising and locating plannning as part of	wider
>>      city histories (solomon benjamin)
>>   2. Re: conceptualising and locating plannning as part of	wider
>>      city histories (solomon benjamin)
>>   3. call for proposals: 2005-2006 Sarai Independent	Fellowship
>>      Programme (Vivek Narayanan)
>>
>>
>>----------------------------------------------------------------------
>>
>>Message: 1
>>Date: Mon, 12 Sep 2005 07:49:17 +0100 (BST)
>>From: solomon benjamin <sollybenj at yahoo.co.in>
>>Subject: Re: [Urbanstudy] conceptualising and locating plannning as
>>	part of	wider city histories
>>To: Awadhendra Sharan <sharan at sarai.net>
>>Cc: bhuvana <b.raman1 at lse.ac.uk>, urbanstudygroup at sarai.net,
>>	lilliandcosta at gmail.com
>>Message-ID: <20050912064917.55323.qmail at web8403.mail.in.yahoo.com>
>>Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1"
>>
>>Dear friends,
>>I must say, this discussion is turning to be an
>>interesting one -- almost in the way cities grow in
>>complicated and un-predictable ways!
>>Couple of things to add in the debate:
>>I suspect that if one goes the normative path, than we
>>move quite fast towards a situation of the
>>Participatory Budgeting (OP) in Brazil, and
>>particularly how it differenciated in Belo Horizonte,
>>San Paolo, and the third place (which I forget right
>>now). In these three, the details were different in
>>the sence of how they integrated 'physical planning'.
>>In Belo for instance, they defined particular
>>ecological zones but much of the rest of the
>>'caravans' or discussions moved along allocation
>>lines. In other cities it focused specifically on
>>budgets, and I think in San Paolo, it was more on
>>physical planning. One difference there is that
>>coucilors there are not ward based like us, but voted
>>at the city level. But there are other more structural
>>issues at stake which relate to their political
>>history in the way State (provential) govt is far less
>>powerful as compared to National and Local municipal
>>government (in contrast to ours). If so, the
>>'normative' strcutures that emerge (and perhaps the
>>more visible part of 'planning') are embedded in more
>>complex histories. And a brief visit to Belo Horizonte
>>showed in some site visits, that despite all the
>>normative guidlines and superb maps, the actual
>>process of planing was that of complex local
>>negocaitions with drug lords. Thus, it was the day to
>>day practives that really transformed the normative
>>structures. In many senses the normative structures
>>were used as strategic bargaining points to open up
>>political space. This is similar to in Meddilin during
>>the early 1990s where the big issue was the drafting
>>of the new constitution with the 'participation' of
>>the M19 gurreila group and as part of this, how city
>>planning was to happen from a political platform of
>>representative local government. The CSDS might have
>>some records of this, as the head of the M19 (whose
>>name slips my memory) was a good friend of Rajni
>>Kothari and wrote some excellent peicecs. Incidently
>>Pablo Escobar (the famous drug chief but part of a
>>large cartel) had his 'vote' bank in the slums of some
>>of the towns we visited, and was a pain in the ____ of
>>Reagan and the senior Bush, much as Chavez of venezula
>>is today. Again a 'normative' ideal of representative
>>government was set within daily practivce and one of
>>the main reasons we were told as to why Escobar was
>>targeted (as compared to the othes) is due to his
>>'regularixation program' and urban constituency
>>building which the US saw as building a 'commi' base.
>>
>>The main point here is perhaps the way we view Partha
>>Chatterjee's discussion of Political and Civil society
>>(in both Kaviraj's and aslo Elliott's books).  and in
>>this context, I copy Dipu's para which seems a useful
>>discussion point:
>>"...is it possible for a planning process to think in
>>multiple times and respect difference?  To think of
>>multiplicity of pracrtices that are not only
>>'inferior' variants of the 'proper' (say the informal
>>of the market), but instead following different
>>logics?  Or is it always to remain the strategy of
>>modernist transformation, with all the attendant pain
>>that this entails...'
>>I suspect that it is useful to raise the discussion of
>>the 'Normative' at two levels away from its narrow
>>technicalities:
>>a) IN the practice of the "day to day" as a discussion
>>/ negociation point
>>b) As a way to enter the discussion as laid out or
>>different from Partha Chatterjee.
>>
>>More later
>>Cheers
>>Solly
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>--- Awadhendra Sharan <sharan at sarai.net> wrote:
>>
>>    
>>
>>>Dear all,
>>>Having lurked on this list for too long and learnt a
>>>lot from this
>>>debate, I wanted to add a few comments on the
>>>arguments so far. First,
>>>in response to Solly's (as always provocative)
>>>question - is the whole
>>>thing legal and various related questions, (to which
>>>I think Gita's
>>>response is a correct one regarding distinction of
>>>levels), I think the
>>>questions might be posed a bit differently:
>>>
>>>Does a masterplan achieve what it sets out to
>>>achieve? The answer here
>>>seems to be a clear no, from the evidence that one
>>>has from various
>>>cities in India.  One respose to this was Gita's
>>>argument in her book
>>>Slumming India where she critiqued the Plan from the
>>>perspective of
>>>implementation.  However, if we look at Delhi's
>>>Master Plan, for
>>>instance, we find the 'failure of implementation'
>>>being invoked from the
>>>very moment the Plan is made, including in Albert
>>>Mayer's own writings
>>>from the 1960s. Even prior to this the colonial city
>>>is witness to many
>>>'non-implementation' of public health measures and
>>>nuisance laws and the
>>>constant refrain of the people not quite being able
>>>to achieve the
>>>required aims.  In post-colonial period the
>>>disappointment with people
>>>gives way to a disappointment of planners with
>>>politics though, I would
>>>suggest, the suspicion of the rural migrant, the
>>>slum dweller as not
>>>being quite up to the task to effect the
>>>transformation that the plan
>>>wants them to achieve remains.
>>>
>>>In such a scenario, it is imperative that we remain
>>>with the normative
>>>question and my suggestion is that plans, whether of
>>>the comprehensive
>>>master plan variety or local plans, are often at
>>>odds with styles of
>>>living an organising our lives.  So to reconnect to
>>>Solly's (and also
>>>Sebastin and Jayraj's point on modern-postmodern) it
>>>would not suffice
>>>to attend only to the level of planning (local or
>>>centralised;
>>>participatory or otrherwise) but also to look at
>>>their normative
>>>contents and here I think the struggle still is
>>>between 'modern' and
>>>'traditional' - the logic for not having a khatal
>>>(cow shed) in a city
>>>is not the same as that of reducing industrial
>>>pollution - one has only
>>>to read daily newspapers to see how these are
>>>differently coded and tied
>>>to community/ individual.  When Jyoti Basu wanted
>>>khatals to be removed
>>>from Cal. he called Laloo; I have yet to read of any
>>>account where
>>>closure of polluting factories happens in the same
>>>way.  Increasing
>>>global flows, concerns of efficiency etc. inflect
>>>this divide in many
>>>ways, including reducing the protection offered by
>>>local politics) but
>>>to use this to infer a logic for greater
>>>participation (ref. Anant) as a
>>>learning exercise, I think , would be only partially
>>>addressing the
>>>issue.  For me the question still remains - is it
>>>possible for a
>>>planning process to think in multiple times and
>>>respect difference?  To
>>>think of multiplicity of pracrtices that are not
>>>only 'inferior'
>>>variants of the 'proper' (say the informal of the
>>>market), but instead
>>>following different logics?  Or is it always to
>>>remain the strategy of
>>>modernist transformation, with all the attendant
>>>pain that this entails.
>>>
>>>I think that question would then help tie the issue
>>>of urban
>>>transformation to the larger debate with which many
>>>other scholars/
>>>activists have been engaged for the last decade and
>>>more - what is the
>>>nature of Indian modernity?  What are the limits of
>>>the language of
>>>rights? What are the practices that enable us to
>>>live with dignity in
>>>difference?  In all these respects, we would be far
>>>from knowing the
>>>answers, but we stand to benefit immensely from
>>>conversations elsewhere.
>>>
>>>Cheers,
>>>Dipu
>>>
>>>P.S. Couple of readings that I have found
>>>interesting to think with are
>>>James' Scott's rather conflcited observations in
>>>'Seeing like a State'.
>>>One the one hand, he notes that modern nation states
>>>(including their
>>>planning processes) do not merely describe, observe
>>>or map but instead
>>>shape a people and a landscape so that they (nation
>>>states) are offered
>>>no surprises in parctices of governance, even as on
>>>the other he defends
>>>19thc. public health interventions as forcible but
>>>in the long run
>>>beneficial for all (certainly to thoseliving in
>>>conetmporary Europe).
>>>
>>>The other is from Dipesh Chakravarty.
>>>Referring to Eugene Weber's classic study of the
>>>transformation of
>>>peasants into Frenchmen he writes that 'the pain of
>>>the nineteenth
>>>century peasant is not his own. It is a wound over
>>>which time has formed
>>>a scab; it does not bleed anymore.' And then goes on
>>>to ask, 'where can
>>>we, historians of a Third World country like India,
>>>where the
>>>distinction between the founding and preserving
>>>modes of violence in the
>>>functioning of the law is hard to sustain, anchor
>>>such facile optimism?'
>>>Ref. 'Subaltern Histories and Post-Enlightenment
>>>Rationalism', in
>>>/Habitations of Modernity. Essays in the Wake of
>>>Subaltern Studies/,
>>>Delhi, Permanent Black, 2002.
>>>
>>>
>>>      
>>>
>>>>Hi,
>>>>I think Anant's detailed email provides a lot of
>>>>        
>>>>
>>>food
>>>      
>>>
>>>>for thought, and underlines how like Bangalore,
>>>>Hyderabad offers a useful case to unpack the
>>>>rational(s) of planning, and how we conceptualize
>>>>cities. I am bracketing my response to the his
>>>>        
>>>>
>>>text.
>>>      
>>>
>>>>Solly
>>>>********
>>>>Anant's text below:
>>>>
>>>>Hi all, there have been so many changes in the CC
>>>>field that I dont know if this is reaching everyone
>>>>        
>>>>
>>>it
>>>      
>>>
>>>>is supposed to reach. Solly please help! Sorry
>>>>        
>>>>
>>>about
>>>      
>>>
>>>>the length of this note. To make it easier, I am
>>>>sending it in two parts. If you cannot get to the
>>>>        
>>>>
>>>end
>>>      
>>>
>>>>of the first one, please go ahead and delete the
>>>>second parts :)
>>>>
>>>>First of all, I find this debate very useful
>>>>        
>>>>
>>>because
>>>      
>>>
>>>>it is making visible some of the many disjunctures
>>>>that are emerging in our cities (and within our
>>>>understandings?). Let me pick up on Solly's
>>>>        
>>>>
>>>question
>>>      
>>>
>>>>especially the last one "how do we conceptualize
>>>>...when we attribute directive powers to
>>>>        
>>>>
>>>particcular
>>>      
>>>
>>>>actors and institutions" and Gita's observation "It
>>>>        
>>>>
>>>is
>>>      
>>>
>>>>all very well to take issue with the *centrality of
>>>>        
>>>>
>>>a
>>>      
>>>
>>>>statist process like the Plan* through CDP Public
>>>>Notice, but it would be meaningful only if
>>>>        
>>>>
>>>accompanied
>>>      
>>>
>>>>by a complete visualisation of an alternative
>>>>urbanism, with its institutions."
>>>>
>>>>To begin with, I hope Gita would agree that the
>>>>institutions of alternative urbanisms can only
>>>>        
>>>>
>>>emerge
>>>>from active struggles. They cannot be visualized
>>>      
>>>
>>>>beforehand.
>>>>  (SB: I think one issue is if there is a
>>>>'visualizer'        or not? And another, are we
>>>>talking about cities being    formed or plans being
>>>>'visualized' - before or afterwards. These are two
>>>>different things, and the actors in each are quite
>>>>        
>>>>
>>=== message truncated ===
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>__________________________________________________________
>>Yahoo! India Matrimony: Find your partner now. Go to http://yahoo.shaadi.com
>>
>>
>>------------------------------
>>
>>Message: 2
>>Date: Mon, 12 Sep 2005 08:17:10 +0100 (BST)
>>From: solomon benjamin <sollybenj at yahoo.co.in>
>>Subject: [Urbanstudy] Re: conceptualising and locating plannning as
>>	part of	wider city histories
>>To: anant m <anant_umn at yahoo.co.uk>, plan at architexturez.net,	sebastian
>>	Rodrigues <sebydesiolim at hotmail.com>
>>Cc: urbanstudygroup at sarai.net, lilliandcosta at gmail.com,	bhuvana
>>	<b.raman1 at lse.ac.uk>
>>Message-ID: <20050912071710.5928.qmail at web8406.mail.in.yahoo.com>
>>Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1"
>>
>>Hi
>>Thanks for the Sucheta Dalal story which will be
>>useful for all of us -- esp. focusing on the urban
>>reforms agenda. and thanks for the email on a
>>discussion thats thought provoking and would make a
>>visit to Hyderabad all the more interesting!
>>My comments on the two points raised:
>>    
>>
>>>I am broadly in agreement with your comments except
>>>for two isses. First, I get the sense from much of
>>>the stuff written on contemporary Indian cities that
>>> the nature of planning process and its relationship
>>>to wider state processes or urban processes has
>>>changed post 1995. But these narratives tend to be
>>>historicist. In the same breath we also seem to be
>>>saying that our own understanding of the pre 1995
>>>scenario should be rethought now that we are aware
>>>of its rootedness in a particular spatotemporal
>>>imaginary. It is not clear from your comments where
>>>you stand in this.
>>>      
>>>
>>SB: I fully aggree that post 1995 things have changed,
>>comming out of a complex set of institutional changes,
>>global connections, and also as I would note in the
>>second comment, complex actors in the city what we
>>'code' as an emerging hydra that poses interesting and
>>most likely substantive counters to the kind of
>>authoritarian planning that we witness. I think that
>>one change in some of our own work, was on how we see
>>'space'. rather than just physical space, from our
>>bangalore cases, it seemed useful to see cities as
>>being constituted as hetrogenonous territories of
>>various forms of claiming (in land tenure, services,
>>the PDS ...). This conception allows us to move beyond
>>binaries and dualistic frameworks which locate
>>politics  and economy in a dirgisme of the State or
>>the Market.
>>
>>Second, I think too that reflecting on positionality
>>    
>>
>>>is important. Can you specify that positionality ?
>>>It will help if you can specifically comment on:
>>>positionality with respect to what and how that
>>>relationship is always infused with power whether we
>>>like it or not. > For instance when you say
>>>(SB: Hang on! I think here we are falling into a
>>>normative logic .. as they already do although in
>>>the non-planning city building process!!! And
>>>perhaps it's a better strategy?) > It seems to me
>>>      
>>>
>>that rather than "what kind of logic > is
>>preferrable", it will be useful to reflect on the >
>>fixity or otherwise of the relationship being >
>>posited when we talk about 'they' .  What sorts of >
>>specific narratives and practices spaces are >
>>involved in this relationship?
>>
>>SB: As mentioned in my response to Dipu's email, I
>>feel we have to constantly play 'normative' concerns
>>aganist the way issues of power get played out. and my
>>facination with the day to day is a realiztion that
>>many of the grand schemes (inc. those by activists)
>>seem transformed by a sort of erosion, subversion,
>>encroachment, and where multiple identities gets
>>played out. Am hesitant to term this as  post
>>modernist as that signifies too linear and a modernist
>>hang up, where its a sort of grand celebration. Cities
>>can be tough, but also open up complicated spaces, and
>>thats why I find Shantaram's book so interesting. I
>>think one of the great burdens imposed by schools of
>>Planning or architecture, or those of sociology and
>>economics is that of the 'responsability' to change
>>things, a sort of missionary non-sense that blocks our
>>ability to observe more subtle ways of re-shaping
>>cities.
>>
>>Cheers
>>Solly
>>
>>
>>
>>__________________________________________________________
>>Yahoo! India Matrimony: Find your partner now. Go to http://yahoo.shaadi.com
>>
>>
>>------------------------------
>>
>>Message: 3
>>Date: Mon, 12 Sep 2005 13:51:55 +0530
>>From: Vivek Narayanan <vivek at sarai.net>
>>Subject: [Urbanstudy] call for proposals: 2005-2006 Sarai Independent
>>	Fellowship Programme
>>To: reader-list at sarai.net,  commons-law at sarai.net,
>>	urbanstudygroup at sarai.net
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>>programmers, urbanists, architects, artists and writers, as well as students
>>(postgraduate level and above) and university/college faculty to apply for
>>support for research-driven projects.
>>
>>*What Other Fellowships Does Sarai Offer?*
>>
>>Sarai offers an exciting "Student Stipendship" for students at academic
>>institutions wishing to pursue closely mentored and innovative research
>>(contact: sadan at sarai.net) and a "FLOSS Independent Fellowship" for
>>programmers and coders wishing to develop free and open source software
>>(contact: viyyer at sarai.net).  Please note that the Sarai Media Fellowships
>>have been discontinued.
>>
>>
>>MORE INFORMATION
>>
>>
>>*New Directions for the Independent Fellowship Programme in 2006*
>>
>>The new design for the Independent Fellowships will include:
>>
>>--Systematic and regular monthly offline meets for fellowship holders in each
>>of our major metros.
>>--Use of a list dedicated to discussion and critique in Hindi.
>>--Facilitation of more interaction, both from Sarai and also between
>>fellowship holders in different locations.
>>
>>*Why Research?  What Do We Mean by Research? *
>>
>>Sarai is committed to generating public knowledge and creativity through
>>research. Hence the support for research driven projects and processes. The
>>fellowships are in the nature of small grants in order to emphasise the
>>initiation and founding of projects that would otherwise go unsupported.
>>
>>By research we mean both archival and field research, and forays into
>>theoretical work as well as any process or activity of an experimental or
>>creative nature&#8212;for instance in the audiovisual media, as well as in
>>journalism or the humanities and social sciences, or in architecture and
>>socially attuned computing.
>>
>>We are especially interested in supporting projects that formulate precise
>>and cogent intellectual questions, reflect on modes of understanding that
>>implicate knowledge production within a critical social framework,
>>foregrounding processes of gathering information and of creating links
>>between bodies of information. We also encourage research that is based on a
>>strong engagement with archival materials and imaginative ways of tackling
>>the question of the public rendition of research activity.
>>
>>*The Experience of Previous Years*
>>This is the fifth year in which Sarai is calling for proposals for such
>>fellowships. We would like to describe how the process has worked in previous
>>years, as an indication of what applicants should expect.
>>
>>These included work toward projects based on investigative reportage of urban
>>issues; essays on everyday life; a history of urban Dalit performance
>>traditions; soundscapes of the city; a graphic novel about Delhi; a
>>documentation of the free software movement in India; research on
>>displacement and rehabilitation in cities; interpretative catalogues of wall
>>writings and public signages; digital manipulation of popular studio portrait
>>photographs; the limitations of language in shrinking public spaces in
>>Srinagar; histories of cinema halls and studios in Delhi, Mumbai and Kolkata;
>>a study of the world of popular crime fiction in Bengali; reflections on the
>>Kashmiri 'encounter' in Delhi, and many others. Successful applicants
>>included freelance researchers, academics, media practitioners, artists,
>>writers, journalists, activists and professionals such as nurses and bankers.
>>
>>The projects were submitted in English, Hindi or a combination of the two
>>languages. We have seen that projects that set important but practical and
>>modest goals were usually successful, whereas those that may have been
>>conceptually sound but lacked sufficient motivation to actually pursue a
>>research objective on the field, usually did not take off beyond the interim
>>stage.
>>
>>Sarai interacts closely with the researchers over the period of the
>>fellowship, and the independent fellows make a public presentation of their
>>work at Sarai at the end of their fellowship period. During the term of their
>>fellowship each fellow is required to make a posting to our email list every
>>month, reporting on the development of their work. These postings, which are
>>archived, are an important means by which the research process reaches a
>>wider discursive community. They also help us to trace the progress of work
>>during the grant period, and understand how the research interfaces with a
>>larger public.
>>
>>Submissions at the end of the fellowship period included written reports and
>>essays, photographs, tape recordings, audio CDs, video, pamphlets, maps,
>>drawings and html presentations. Fellows have made their final presentations
>>in the form of academic papers, lecture-demonstrations and performances.
>>
>>
>>*What Happens to the Research Projects?*
>>
>>The annual research projects add to our increasingly substantial archival
>>collections on urban space and media culture. These are proving to be very
>>significant value additions to the availability of knowledge resources in the
>>public domain. Researchers are free to publish or render any part or all of
>>their projects in any forms, independently of Sarai (but with due
>>acknowledgment of the support that they have received from Sarai). Sarai
>>Independent Research Fellows have gone on to publish articles in journals,
>>work towards the making of films, exhibitions, websites, multimedia works and
>>performances, and the creation of graphic novels, soundworks and books. We
>>actively encourage all such efforts.
>>
>>*What We Are Looking For*
>>
>>As in the past, this year too we are looking for proposals that are
>>imaginatively articulated, experimental and methodologically innovative, but
>>which are pragmatic and backed up by a well-argued work plan which sets out a
>>timetable for the project, as well as suggests how the support will help with
>>specific resources (human and material) that the project needs.
>>
>>Suggested Themes:
>>
>>Sarai's interests lie in the city and in media. Broadly speaking, any
>>proposal that looks at the urban condition, or at media, is eligible.
>>Proposals for projects that seek to push disciplinary limits and boundaries
>>or break new ground, that offer fresh and detailed empricial insights, that
>>desire to engage with questions and problems pertaining to cities, urban
>>culture, media from a philosophically and conceptually enriched terrain of
>>inquiry are especially welcome. We are committed to methodological and
>>analytic rigour even as we are also keen to engage with sensibilities and
>>registers of thought that are oppositional, dissident, heretical, imaginative
>>and poetic.
>>
>>More specifically, themes may be as diverse as the experience of work in
>>different locations, institutions and work cultures, histories of urban
>>sexuality, heretical figures and imaginations, histories of particular media
>>practices, legality and illegality, migration, transportation, surveillance,
>>intellectual property, social/digital interfaces, urban violence, street
>>life, technologies of urban control, health and the city, the political
>>economy of media forms, digital art and culture, or anything else that the
>>applicants feel will resonate with the philosophy and interests that motivate
>>Sarai's work.
>>
>>We are particularly interested in work that comes from non-metropolitan and
>>mofussil urban spaces, even though we continue to look for strong projects
>>that articulate the realities of major cities.
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>------------------------------
>>
>>_______________________________________________
>>Urbanstudygroup mailing list
>>Urbanstudygroup at sarai.net
>>https://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/urbanstudygroup
>>
>>
>>End of Urbanstudygroup Digest, Vol 19, Issue 12
>>***********************************************
>>
>>    
>>
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