[Urbanstudy] Graffiti and kolkatascape; a discourse of conflicting rights, class and citizenship[2nd and third postings]

[priyanka gupta]

Much has changed since my last post…lines have been drawn …opinions
have changed…pages have turned… my research project started  with
certain blatant presumptions ,analysis of which  now seems pertinent
to construe the vicious collocation of rights that I had sought to
explore previously.
A] That scribbles on walls is a complete infringement of personal
rights. Splashing colors on private walls is wrong. It tantamounts to
sheer vandalism. It's a blow not only to our better aesthetic judgment
but also to us as individuals and our space fiercely protected as
intensely private and personal. the knell had its first echoes years
back when my mother cowering with fear gave in to the Para goons
signing a paper stating she has no objections to have her freshly
painted walls smeared with colors to help save our party lords few
seats.…. as I stood appalled and visibly perturbed I knew we were as
helpless as our neighbors, to dare to appeal against this rampant
abuse of political power.. However the paper had a clause that the
party concerned would be as diligent about restoring the walls to its
previous state as they had been in accosting us. And this went on year
after year with our protest muffled in the clamor of loud speakers and
rallies. our walls changed colors with years and sometimes if they are
lucky enough they would be smeared with an ugly patch of lime was as a
half forgotten symbol of truce for the next elections. Our inability
to rouse ourselves to contingent actions against the concerned parties
was as inexcusable as these elaborate rituals of the Maha elections.
So complete neutrality in my approach in the research was a little
hard to achieve. But after a series of interviews I was half bought
into the idea that graffiti is an essential part of the political
culture in Bengal and what is popularly conceived as an extension of
Bengaliness. If the larger than life gigantic cut outs down south
ubiquitous flags on the roofs on almost every house up north adds to
the intensely complicated and wildly exciting disparate hues of Indian
poetics then our humble walls cast in different colors did as well.

In conversations…

'If somebody falls on the road in Delhi or Bombay nobody will pick him
up but here dozens of men will rush to help. Our culture is a culture
of sympathy.'

The snippets of most of the interviews taken over the lat couple of
months, revealed new aspects of Bengalines to me, fantastic insights
of my city kolkata.  Although my entire deduction for now rests on the
perception of a chosen few yet they seem to encapsulate the way in
which the city largely exists in our imagination.
Kolkata…' the city of protest, the city of politics…' the city of
sympathy' which would therefore bear graffiti in her arms with perfect
élan, adding a stark shade to her brilliant hues. But it is also
interesting to note that these ideas are always constructed in
opposition to something….for example the city of protest typically
stands in opposition or negation to the lack of it.  The oft repeated
self -congratulatory burden – the Gokhlaen dictum that we Bengalis
have been carrying around for centuries is hammered hard through
decades. The Bengali renaissance often deemed synonymous to the Indian
renaissance where a new breed if intelligentsia a new clan of the
'Bhodrolok' was created,  a class of intermediaries between those
vested with political power and liberties and those who don't. Doomed
to be pinioned in the interminate grayness of frustrated aspirations
and thwarted egotism this class is created out of an ambiguous state
of in-betweeness, created out of clerks and bureaucrats, doctors and
lawyers trading degrees for social worth and prestige. This slowly
disappearing Bhodrlok class stepping out of the giant corridors of
presidency and Hindu college lingers in faint traces of careful
observation of certain rituals certain ethos, fractured yet alive
desperately maintained for the sole preservation of the nostalgia that
is Bengaliness.
Bengaliness as exists in our imagination is constructed out of
stereotypes of Macher Jhol and Mishti Doi of Rabindro Sangeet and
Satyajit Ray...Bengalis 'the intellectuals, the devoutly political'
now stand at the crossroads of half forgotten fantasies and nostalgia
that is bengaliness. Graffiti in Kolkata doesn't merely act is a
potent and immediate form of political expression and propaganda but
also as mark of essential difference. Difference constructed out of a
faithful performance of a fantasy conjured for the creation and
perpetuation of a self image distinct from the rest. The acceptability
and legitimacy of graffiti can thus also be seen as one of the
arbiters of the difference conjured. One can also see the roaring
footsteps of the mighty state in this fantasy of difference. It is
interesting to find the extent in which these ideas have now been
normalized and echoed in fear and forced consent as can be seen among
people countless like me and neighbors. A sharp divide thus naturally
arises out of those who genuinely try and participate actively in the
public / political domain using their walls as an emblem of their
political participation and allegiances and those for whom coercion IS
a reality.

Walls bulletins of the masses?

There is a change in the city, in its skies, in its breath as it is
shoved now through the riven lines where life acquires a new dimension
as we all now have become children of globalization. The bhodrolok now
becomes a new brand of people with jobs  which can be threatened by a
minor upheaval somewhere in the US in a world where one can almost
smell the stench of the next country in one's guts.  A proximity
ensured, accepted and understood as indispensable for a world order
based on the creed of mutual cooperation for better trade prospects.
Historical moves between countries are now initiated; agreements are
breached between states to resolve political tensions in any part of
the world which can threaten the precariously poised world on the
perceived commonality of interests resting on the citadel of
globalization. The middle class, a class defined by its consumption
capacity, the main beneficiaries of the neo liberal  reforms in the
world of market economy based on fear and competition where class
structures and limits are  getting increasingly fluid,engendering a
fragile sense of selfhood shattered further by this perceived threat
of the mighty state through graffiti right into its  very thresholds-
its walls.
Walls slipping out into the narrow space between individuals is set on
the principle of acquisition and proprietorship, the infringement of
which threatens the sanctity of the personal rights of the individual.
Walls stand on the basic premise of exclusion and segregation, as a
mark of difference from the others. They are  used chiefly for
containment, for distinction and for privation to sustain the
impression of a mutually exclusive space within.  The insidious
operations of power can be seen in the way in which the legitimacy of
the political rights of the parties exercised through wall writing
remain unquestioned and unchallenged and deemed natural.
If the political rights of the individual and various political
parties seem to assume such a natural credence then why does a
substantial half [if such segregation] can be achieved seem to view
graffiti going against the very idea of the city perceived in today's
context. This new breed of middle class almost stands as distinct from
the post independence pre liberlisation, Nehruvian precept of self
effacing, self abnegating  class ,associated chiefly with the idea of
community, family solidarity with a deep seated sense of communal and
moral obligation.  And thus the acceptance of graffiti in today's
context seem quite problematic. In the later half of my project I
would like to focus increasingly on this issue. The role of the media
here is also important in the way in which this class and its
interests are granted legitimacy.


The city grinding through  time

The idea of the city, the way in which we perceive ourselves as
individuals in both public and private domain have transformed
radically over the years.
Yes the city had changed and so have the people and incidentally so
has the party which has been ruling us over the past three decades,
Despite the anti incumbency factor. The change is reflected everywhere
in i6ts spatial structure its dingy lanes its broad flyovers its
closed shutters of local supermarkets to the glittering mirrorscapes
of malls and the designer gods. From the bustling para to closed
windows and high walls. from a pujo with larger than life idols and
the deafening roar of drums and conch shells n to today's god's
smaller than the brand lords flapping its wings in every Mandap
standing tall and proud. A city of a state no longer 'the graveyard
for industries', but graveyards for farmers instead. But then there is
a change and it's everywhere. Hope and promise for a renewal stirs in
the rusty cogs of our machines. The state has witnessed an
unprecedented growth in reality. The growth in terms of per capita
income till 2005 has been 5.72% as opposed to the national average of
5.2%. The annual report says the FDI in the fiscal 2005-06 was worth
119 million.  The state has seen a massive growth in the educational
system. The census report of 200 estimates west Bengal's literacy rate
to be 6.9% as opposed to the national average of 6.5%.

'We are now at the transitional stage …agriculture alone cannot create
new job opportunities and move the economy further. So it is
imperative to move from agriculture to industry'.

Buddhadeb Bhattacharya the man with a vision vision of booming
industries, thriving retail and real estate with the loud jangle of
foreign investment, vision of classical hubs and the foresight of
Singur and Nandigram. The city has borne these visions in her arms and
has felt the changes in her belly. To me it is a city of acute
inbetweenenss almost a no city, confused and puzzled with its
responsibilities and changing definitions. Rapid industrialization and
market growth has spurred a new kind of urban growth ubiquitous and
consistent. From new town, a project spread over 300 acres repeating
the immense success of other planned cities like salt lake, nager
bazaar. Areas to curb the unwanted encroachment  of the fetid filth
and squalor  of the larger Calcutta, certain zones for certain people
with cleaner streets, better drainage away from the clamor of
slums,hawkers and trams. The morphology of the city is slowly evolving
from a city which had once embraced massive infiltration of refugees
post independence , migrant laborers, an all inclusive  city now
trying to segregate itself into zones for a select few. This sudden
hastiness with Kolkata as a clean city with its multiplexes and malls
exist at the exclusion of others.

The notion of Kolkata as a global city now slowly emerges as it
becomes the emblem of the new global economy with an increasing income
divide. A planning structure adopted to benefit the thriving middle
class. Concerted efforts have been made to clean up the city off its
hawkers squatters and creating segregated exclusive units in an
attempt to reclaim space for those deemed after legitimate and
rightful constituents. The rapid urbanization the curious
interpenetration of economy and government policies in smaller spatial
units. The city and its spaces thus constitute an extremely arena for
the articulation of these perceptions. The city thus acts as a
commodity to promote the growing demands of the state in the new
globalized economy.

Walls for the masses:
The word graffiti comes from the Italian word graffito which means to
scribble/scrawl. It offered an easy accessible interactional space
necessary for a peaceful coexistence in the society. For archeologists
and epigraphologists they offer a useful insight into the social
customs, attitudinal patterns and territoriality of the constituents
of the community. The crucial delineation of space afforded by
graffiti offers a separate domain for the assertion of active
citizenship.
>From ancient city walls of Pompei to sub ways of New York graffiti has
come a long way. Right from the time where its origins can be traced,
graffiti has always been   an indispensable part of social expression.
>From the advertisements of prostitutes to sexually explicit lines
scrawled on public walls in ancient city Rome graffiti always seems to
articulate the subliminal inexpressible desires and truths of humanity
for the expression of the aberrant. Later it attained a more
subversive dimension in opposition to the mainstream socio political
culture in America of the 60's to the modern day freedom tunnel till
it acquired legitimacy as a separate art form. In most of the
countries in the west graffiti is and has been a cognizable offense
and is deemed equivalent to vandalism and punished accordingly it is
purported to go against sanctity of property rights.


Splashes from Kolkata

Graffiti in Kolkata was ushered typically as a left phenomenon
essentially a part of a political subculture. Slowly it made its slow
trepid incursion into all the spatial domains… varied yet ubiquitous.
The 60 s witnessed a massive proliferation of wall writing in Kolkata
and gained as a legitimate tool of political expression during the
Naxalite era in opposition to the ruling congress. The left hadn't
gained ground then and was a party with few resources and petty funds.
Wall writing therefore seemed to be a potent tool to gain visibility
more immediate and localized like graffiti. Armed with catchy slogans
with easels made of branches chiseled from palm trees and tar they
trooped down the streets with 'shogothito jonotar hate bonduker noli
bipolober prodhan utso[citizens must be roused with guns in their
hands for revolution]…..ringing in the air. And then the famous anti
defacement law by Siddhartha Shankar Ray in a desperate attempt to
muffle the dissenting voices of the naxalites and the moderate
leftists. But the Anti Defacement Law[ the West Bengal prevention of
defacement of property act,1976 though chiefly starting in west Bengal
had never gained grounds at large till the election commissioner
exhumed it in its full severity in the state during the 2006
elections.
Graffiti has always been a collaborative attempt of the party workers.
The presence of the party is explicitly projected with a certain image
circulated among the masses through slogans and colors-a crucial and
colorful way of making their presence felt. Like most of the other
political practices graffiti also has a number of rituals surrounding
it, one of them being occupation of walls. This elaborate preamble to
the election process starts with the party cadres seizing walls
popularly known as deyal dokhol. Here each party assumes absolute
monopoly over certain walls for a certain number of years thereby
demarcating their domain and establishing the spatial distribution of
graffiti, a process adopted to establish a disciplined, structural
uniformity, although does containing certain implicit connotations of
political hegemony.

In 2006, Bengal saw a colorless state election. After the strict
directive  issued by the election commissioner, unfazed and undeterred
the ruling party CPIML as well as the parties in opposition came out
with innovative techniques to lure the electorate through the use of
electronic media, leaflets, rickshaw danglers, saris with party motifs
all over it, banners, posters  and an intense door to door
campaigning. A budget of 6 lakh is normally allotted to each party.
The total budget of 6 laksh normally allotted naturally saw a rise
with the ban on wall writing, leading to various ingenuous
reallocation of money for other means of propaganda.


One of the many problems that I am trying to negotiate with in my
research, is my inability to reach a conclusive closure as far as the
collocation of the right to freedom of speech guaranteed by the
constitution and individual right to property is concerned, which seem
equally pressing as well in spite of its lack of constitutional
validity as a fundamental right. The state control is implicated deep
within the discourse of wall writing for the ways in which the private
realm of the individual is seized and appropriated with laws amended
to perpetuate the state's control thereby subordinating the rights and
the legitimacy of plurality of existence. It also profoundly changes
the spatial dynamics of the city by acutely problematising the
definitive and well-articulated spheres of the public and the private,
along with a curious overturning of spatial hierarchy, by the rampant
appropriation of the state of any private as well as public space.  It
also shows the inherent contradictions embedded in the policies of the
left desperate to negotiate its way through its staunchly conservative
anti consumerist party edicts and the new pro market, liberal reforms
effected by the government with increasing privatization and
deregulation of economy, inviting foreign investments in its land and
resources, pandering largely to the growing self-image of the upwardly
mobile middle class. It runs counter to the newly emergent notion of
Kolkata as a global city on an international arena. The city thus
becomes a symbolic arena of the struggle between the insistent claims
of the market and the need to refashion the image of the city and the
political needs of the party. Banning graffiti would be to deny the
smaller parties with insufficient funds and smaller network a powerful
tool guaranteeing visibility and legitimacy. The public political
rights and needs of the individual will be muffled.So a rich closure
is a little hard to achieve for now....











































-- 
Priyanka Gupta